This is the question that many people are still asking, devastated by the economic collapse and political decadence that are engulfing Lebanon in the abyss.
The following text
is a synthetic answer to the question, built around five reasons.
This is the question that many people are still asking, devastated by the economic collapse and political decadence that are engulfing Lebanon in the abyss.
The following text
is a synthetic answer to the question, built around five reasons.
The annual conference of Carnegie Middle East, December 9, 2021: A discussion on regional rivalry in Lebanon and on Hezbollah's roles, with Kim Ghattas, Emile Hokayem, Hisham Melhem and Ziad Majed.
Emission C dans l'Air de France 5
Nos lieux ne nous quittent jamais. Nous les transportons en nous partout. Nous gardons des lueurs de leurs lumières, des échos de leurs bruits, une part de leur chaleur au fond de nos cœurs.
Il nous arrive de les
oublier, ou de ne plus penser à leurs sentiers, aux chemins qui mènent vers
eux, au quotidien à l'ombre de leur soleil, au vécu sous leurs cieux ou leurs
toits... Mais il suffit souvent d'une image, d'une mélodie, d'une brise, d'un
goût ou d'une discussion pour qu'ils resurgissent, pour que leurs détails et
allures réémergent devant nos yeux et pour que des souvenirs nous rattrapent et
nous surprennent.
Nos lieux nous habitent,
certains - devenus difficiles d'accès - nous hantent. En faire l'inventaire,
accepter de tourner tendrement des pages, défendre d'autres et garder l'espoir
de les redécouvrir un jour semble le seul remède à la mélancolie qui rode
autour de nous à chaque fois qu'un orage renvoie à l'odeur d'une première pluie
et à chaque fois que la musique d'un réveil résonne sous de nouveaux draps...
Le nouvel ouvrage de Nawaf Salam, Le Liban d’hier à demain, regroupant huit essais sur l’histoire contemporaine libanaise et les questions de réformes politiques et sociétales devenues indispensables pour la survie-même du pays, constitue un document important à plusieurs niveaux.
The "character" of Abdelbasset Al-Sarout probably best embodies the course of the Syrian revolution, its radiant and spontaneous beginnings, its mistakes and errors, and finally its tragic endings.
Al-Sarout was born in Homs in 1992 in a neighborhood
-Al-Bayyada- whose inhabitants are mostly from the surrounding rural world.
Like Baba Amr, it is also shared by another fringe of the population, former
Bedouins who have come to settle in this third largest city in Syria.
Preceded by his popularity as the adored goalkeeper of the
homsiote Al-Karame Club, he entered the revolution with determination and enthousiasm.
With his hoarse and melancholic voice, he led the processions, flying
over them like an eagle, carried on the shoulders of his fans who used
to applaud him in the football stadiums. They cheered their hero and chanted
with him "freedom, equality" and other slogans calling for the fall
of the Assad regime.
Il y a eu, ces dernières années, celles et ceux qui se mobilisaient pour la Palestine, mais ne voyaient pas la Syrie sur la carte, ni le sang des centaines de milliers de syriens et de palestiniens de Syrie qui coulait à Alep, à Homs, à Yarmouk, dans la Ghouta de Damas et à Idlib.
Et puis il y a eu celles et ceux qui se mobilisaient pour la
Palestine, s'opposaient aux massacres de Bachar Al-Assad, mais ne disaient pas
un mot sur les acteurs qui permettaient à Bachar de survivre et de commettre
ses massacres: la Russie, l'Iran et le Hezbollah libanais.
Aujourd'hui, il y a celles et ceux qui se sont mobilisés
pour la Syrie, mais qui restent muets sur la Palestine et sur les crimes de
guerre, l’occupation, la colonisation et l’Apartheid Israéliens.
Est-il si difficile d’être constant/cohérent dans les positions politiques et éthiques et de considérer que les droits humains, la fin de l'oppression et de l'impunité sont les principes qui doivent guider ces positions ?
In recent years, there have been those who mobilized for Palestine, but did not see Syria on the map, nor the blood of hundreds of thousands of Syrians and Palestinians in Syria that flowed in Aleppo, Homs, Yarmouk, the Ghouta of Damascus and Idlib.
And then there were those who mobilized for Palestine,
condemned the massacres of Bashar Al-Assad, but did not say a word about the
actors who allowed Bashar to survive and commit his massacres: Russia, Iran and
the Lebanese Hezbollah.
Today, there are those who were mobilized for Syria, but who
remain silent on Palestine and on Israeli war crimes, occupation, colonial
expansion and Apartheid.
Is it so difficult to be consistent and coherent in
political and ethical positions and to consider that human rights, the end of
oppression and impunity are the principles that should guide all stances?
ZM
Aucun intellectuel syrien n’a incarné pendant plus de 40 ans l’opposition au régime des Assad père et fils plus que Michel Kilo.
Homme de gauche, inspiré par les écrits d’Elias Morcos et de Yassin Al-Hafez, journaliste de formation et traducteur d’ouvrages de pensée politique (de l’allemand), il était déjà parmi les acteurs culturels ouvertement critiques du système que mettait en place Hafez Al-Assad à la fin des années 1970.
Professor at the American University of Paris, author of Dans la tête de Bachar al-Assad (with Subhi Hadidi and Farouk Mardam Bey, Actes Sud, 2018) and Syria: La révolution orpheline (Actes Sud, 2014), Ziad Majed evokes the situation in Syria and within the regime circles and networks.
An interview published (originally in French) in Moyen-Orient, April 2021.
Between 2011 and
2021, the regime of Bashar Al-Assad (in power since 2000) went from threatened
and moribund to strengthened and durable. How did he manage to adapt in a time
of war?
There are several factors
that have allowed Bashar Al-Assad to maintain himself in Damascus and to
survive the revolution and then the war, which he himself initiated against a
large part of the Syrian society.
The first is violence, which has been his only policy since the first day of the popular uprising and long before its militarization. It became unprecedentedly intense from the summer of 2012 onwards when he started his aerial bombing campaigns, the systematic destruction of hospitals, schools and infrastructure in the areas that escaped his control, the sieges he imposed on several localities, and the torture on an industrial scale in his jails. He has thus reproduced a scenario similar to the one reserved for the city of Hamah in February 1982 (which, under his father Hafez, had suffered a siege, destruction and massacres killing and injuring tens of thousands of civilians under the pretext of facing a rebellion of the Muslim brothers). Except that this time the scenario was extended to the national scale.
Cyclical political crises that paralyze state institutions and regularly postpone all electoral deadlines and government formation, insecurity and powerlessness in the face of interference from regional and international actors, widespread clientelism at all levels of the administration, a public debt estimated at more than 150% of GDP, banks (where 1% of depositors hold 50% of the deposits) are in dire straits, hyperinflation and falling purchasing power, half of the population is impoverished and Palestinian and Syrian refugees are living in misery. One hundred years after its birth, "Greater Lebanon" is sinking into the abyss and no longer has the means to recover.
If the political-confessional cleavages, the mediocrity and corruption of the ruling political class as well as the dilemma of Hezbollah's weapons and its organic alliance with Iran are largely responsible for the current situation, it is nevertheless clear that the Lebanese system itself, based on "consociationalism", is dying.
"A well-informed political scientist, Ziad Majed gives an overview of the Syrian conflict, which broke out on March 15, 2011, ten years ago. For him, Assad's regime is, by far, the first responsible for the disaster. And he and the djihadist camp need each other. He answers questions from Baudouin Loos in the special report entitled "The long Syrian night, a debacle for humanity" in the daily Le Soir".
"Politologue averti, Ziad Majed fait un tour d’horizon du conflit syrien, qui a éclaté le 15 mars 2011, il y a dix ans. Pour lui, le régime est, et de loin, le premier responsable du désastre. Et lui comme le camp djihadiste ont besoin l’un de l’autre. Il repond aux questions de Baudouin Loos dans le dossier spécial intitulé "La longue nuit syrienne, un débâcle pour l'humanité" du journal Le Soir su la Syrie."
Ziad Majed's responses to Dalal Saoud's questions for the United Press International
- After 10 years of a destructive civil war, the country is in ruins and in danger of collapse. Assad survived the war and remained in power despite committing war crimes, grave human rights violations and the use of internationally banned weapons. But is he really in control of the country since he lost most of his power to his Russian and Iranian allies who came to his rescue and backed him in the battlefield ?
"À l’occasion du 10è anniversaire des révolutions arabes, une pléiade d’écrivains, d’artistes, d’intellectuels et de journalistes proposent des récits, des témoignages, des dessins et des réflexions multiples sur cette séquence et ses suites, jusqu’à nos jours.
Ils/elles s'interrogent aussi plus largement sur l’idée de révolution dans le monde arabe et sur ses mots".
Un ouvrage publié par Seuil et l'Institut du Monde Arabe, Paris 2021.
"Dix ans après le début des révolutions dans le monde arabe, un nouveau numéro de la revue Confluences Méditerranée (Paris, hiver 2020/2021) dirigé par Pierre Blanc propose un décryptage avec au sommaire, notamment:
- Géopolitique comparée des révolutions et des contre-révolutions arabes (Jean-Pierre Filiu et Gilbert Achcar);
- Syrie: révolution, barbarie et occupations (Ziad Majed);
- Le système de pouvoir en Algérie, son origine et ses évolutions (Lahouari Addi);
- Caresser ou mordre la main de l'étranger: le jeu international des acteurs égyptiens en situation révolutionnaire (Baudouin Long);
- Ambitions émiriennes sur la région: avancer ses pions en contournant les récifs des révolutions (Emma Soubrier);
et d'autres papiers sur la Libye, la Tunisie et le Liban...".
Pour lire le sommaire sur le site l'Iremmo: https://cutt.ly/njdJ5IJ
Pour lire les résumés des papiers: https://cutt.ly/tjdKiNq