Interview with Ziad Majed[1] in Mediapart, following the Israeli attack on the southern suburbs of Beirut, which killed the Secretary General of Hezbollah and dozens of Lebanese civilians.
Interview by Ilies Ramdani.
Mediapart: What do you think about the assassination of Hassan Nasrallah?
Ziad Majed: There are no red lines for the Israelis. They can kill whoever they want and strike wherever they want. The problem goes beyond the figure of Hassan Nasrallah. There is a state that crosses all boundaries and borders to murder and bomb, often with the complicity of the Western world.
Like many Lebanese, I have always been opposed to Hezbollah for political, cultural and ideological reasons, and over the past decade for its military involvement in Syria at the request of Tehran in support of the criminal regime of Bashar El-Assad. The party has also been accused of carrying out assassinations in Lebanon.
However, it enjoys popular legitimacy within the Shia community, which has been traumatized by successive Israeli invasions of Lebanon since 1978 (five years before the party was founded) and a long history of military occupation of the south (which lasted 22 years), followed by a war in 2006. As a result, Hezbollah has had a seat in parliament since 1992, runs elected municipal councils, holds ministries and runs its own social services.
The assassination on Friday of its secretary-general, Nasrallah, carried
out by Israeli officials who have themselves been accused of crimes against
humanity by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and dozens of
human rights organizations, is further proof of the 'exceptionalism' that
places Israel above international law. All the more so as the air raid
devastated an entire residential area on the outskirts of the Lebanese capital,
leaving dozens of civilians trapped under the rubble. Six multi-storey
buildings disappeared because of the power of the bombs.
So a large proportion of the Lebanese people are angry, like the Palestinians who have suffered decades of occupation, colonization and now a genocidal war in Gaza under the passive gaze of the 'international community'.
Will his disappearance, as Israel and the United States claim, weaken or even neutralize Hezbollah?
If you look at the history of Hezbollah, Hamas or even the PLO, there
have always been assassinations of their main leaders. Nasrallah himself
succeeded Abbas Moussaoui, who was assassinated by an Israeli plane in his car
with his family in early 1992. The founder of Hamas, Ahmed Yassin, was the
target of a similar attack in 2004, as was Yahia Ayach before him, and more
recently Ismaël Haniyeh [killed in an Israeli strike in Iran on 31 July -
editor's note].
Each time, these movements have found ways to recruit, mobilize and replace their leaders. Obviously, the series of assassinations we are witnessing weakens Hezbollah in the short term. But unless we address the core of the problem, which is Israeli impunity, occupation and colonization, these movements will not be weakened in the long term. Others will emerge to continue the struggle against the Israelis.
You were born, studied and worked in Beirut and you still go there regularly. What do you think of the reaction of Lebanese society to the events of the last few days?
At a time like this, it's the collective and individual memory that comes to the surface. I lived through the war for fifteen years, I worked for the Red Cross, I lived through the Israeli invasion and the siege of Beirut in 1982, the bombings and the massacres that took place at that time. Like most Lebanese, I lost family and friends. There is a common Lebanese experience, heartbreaking and overwhelming, that comes back to haunt us today. In the space of a year, more than 1,500 people have died, including rescue workers, journalists, women and children.
From afar, the majority of Lebanese in the diaspora are glued to their televisions with great concern. All the more so because they feel powerless. We can't get there, the flights have been cancelled. The houses we see destroyed are not just walls. They are stories, memories, a social fabric, shared lives and aspirations. Destruction is always traumatic. And rebuilding will not be easy. The country is in a serious economic and political crisis. All this will create enormous difficulties, with hundreds of thousands of people displaced within the country. Rebuilding one's life, whether by returning to one's devastated home town or elsewhere, is never an simple task, either psychologically or materially.
At the same time, as in any society, there are divisions and fractures. Some Lebanese today are in denial, unaware of how dangerous the situation is. Others translate this into hatred, nihilism or a desire to settle scores. So it's a time of tension, fear and risk.
How do you compare the situation in Lebanon with that in Gaza?
I don't think Lebanon is a second Gaza at the moment. In Gaza, the
Israelis are systematically destroying all living conditions, hence the
description of a genocidal war. There is a policy of starvation, destruction of
hospitals and clinics, schools and universities, cultural heritage,
agricultural land and deliberate water pollution. All this on top of the
massacre of civilians.
In Lebanon, we are far from a similar scenario, although many
inhabitants are beginning to fear it.
On the other hand, there is a legitimate comparison with Gaza, south of
the Litani River, in the towns and villages closest to the border. In this
area, Israel has repeatedly used white phosphorus to destroy agricultural
fields, as documented by international reports. I was on the border last June,
when the situation was already terrible; I can't imagine how the bombing has
further devastated the area.
International mediation and pressure are needed to prevent a second Gaza in the south of the country.
The international community, led by the major Western powers, seems to be struggling to influence the situation in the region. To what do you attribute this failure?
Western diplomacy and the so-called 'international community' are not doing their job to stop the Israeli war machine. You can't claim to be putting pressure on Israel when Washington uses its veto in the United Nations Security Council to prevent Tel Aviv from being condemned. You can't pretend to pressure Israel when you send it arms, ammunition and billions of dollars in the middle of a war. American policy has encouraged Israel to go further in these wars. It has enabled Netanyahu to widen the fronts and seek total confrontation in order to stay in power longer.
What about the voice of France, given its historical ties with Lebanon?
I still think France has a role to play. It is not as decisive as the American role, of course. But France, with all its diplomatic failures, can now, for example, impose sanctions on Israeli ministers, suspend military or security cooperation and, above all, recognize the Palestinian state, since we keep saying that we support the 'two-state solution'. Through the European Union, France can also push for joint diplomacy and exert pressure to avoid the worst in Lebanon. But French policy has been disappointing.
For many people in the region, in Palestine, Lebanon and elsewhere, the West bears a great responsibility for Israel's wars. Of course, the West is not a homogeneous entity. But it is the governments that are watched by societies across the Mediterranean, and it is "universal values," international law, and the credibility of those who claim to defend them that are now under the rubble in Palestine and Lebanon. And that is extremely dangerous for our future.[1] Ziad Majed teaches Middle East studies at the American University of Paris. He was born in Beirut where, in addition to his academic career, he has been involved with the Lebanese Red Cross and the movement for democracy and human rights. Known in France and Lebanon for his expertise on the subject, he analyses for Mediapart the possible consequences of the death of Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, who was the target of an Israeli attack on Friday.
